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    Home » Opinion: Now that Abba has returned to APC by Muhammad Garba
    Opinion

    Opinion: Now that Abba has returned to APC by Muhammad Garba

    EditorBy EditorJanuary 27, 2026Updated:January 27, 2026No Comments8 Mins Read
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    IMG 20260127 WA0106

    Muhammad Garba

    Politics in Kano has never been static.

    It is a fluid and constantly evolving arena shaped by ideology, personalities, ambition and the enduring contest between godfathers and godsons.

    Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s return to the All Progressives Congress (APC) may appear dramatic to casual observers, but to students of Kano’s political history, it is neither shocking nor unprecedented.

    Rather, it represents the latest chapter in a long tradition of political realignments driven by relevance, control, and ultimately, the pursuit of independence.

    The culture of political defection in Kano dates back to the Second Republic (1979-1983).

    Isa Kaita College

    The historic rift between Malam Aminu Kano of the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) and his protégé, Alhaji Muhammadu Abubakar Rimi, established a lasting precedent.

    Rimi’s eventual break from Aminu Kano was portrayed by loyalists as betrayal. In reality, it was an early manifestation of a recurring pattern in Kano politics: the godson’s quest for autonomy from an overpowering godfather.

    Although party politics was suspended during military rule between 1984 and 1998, the brief Third Republic provided further evidence of this political flexibility.

    Kano politicians largely aligned with the Social Democratic Party (SDP), yet defections to the National Republican Convention (NRC) still occurred, motivated less by ideology than by strategy and internal power struggles.

    Even then, the lesson was clear: political survival in Kano often required adaptability rather than rigid loyalty.

    The Fourth Republic entrenched this culture more deeply. Few figures illustrate it better than Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.

    Elected governor in 1999 on the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Kwankwaso initially rose with the support of political heavyweights such as Rimi, the late Alhaji Musa Gwadabe, Dauda Dangalan, and Senator Hamisu Musa. Over time, however, he parted ways with all of them.

    After losing re-election in 2003 to Malam Ibrahim Shekarau of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Kano witnessed one of the earliest major political shifts of the Fourth Republic, as politicians moved between the PDP and ANPP largely in response to electoral fortunes.

    Internal disputes over succession later weakened the ANPP, creating cracks that would influence future realignments.

    The 2011 elections marked another turning point with Kwankwaso’s return as governor under the PDP.

    Between 2013 and 2014, Kano experienced one of the most consequential waves of defections in its history when Kwankwaso and his supporters moved en masse to the newly formed APC.

    This shift reshaped the state’s political landscape and positioned the APC as the dominant force ahead of the 2015 elections.

    Kwankwaso’s subsequent political journey from contesting APC presidential primaries to returning to the PDP and later joining the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), once again underscored the primacy of structure and control over party labels.

    Under the NNPP, he reasserted firm influence over Kano’s political machinery.

    Former Governor Ibrahim Shekarau’s trajectory mirrors this same mutability.

    From the ANPP to the APC, then to the PDP, the NNPP, and back again, each move was framed as either principled or strategic, even as critics described them as betrayals.

    Taken together, these movements underline a fundamental truth about Kano politics where party platforms are often secondary to power structures, personal influence, and strategic positioning.

    In 2015, Kwankwaso handed over power to Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. Their relationship soon deteriorated, splitting the APC into rival factions.

    Between 2018 and 2019, high-profile defections followed, with some Kwankwaso loyalists returning to the PDP while others remained in the APC under Ganduje.

    From 2019 to 2023, cross-carpeting continued as Ganduje consolidated APC control of the state.

    Kwankwaso formally moved to the NNPP in 2022, and Abba Kabir Yusuf emerged in 2023 as the only governor elected on that platform nationwide.

    Defections often serve as defining moments in godfather–godson relationships.

    They mark the transition from dependence to rivalry. Whether initiated by the godson or the godfather, defections disrupt existing hierarchies, redistribute power, and reshape party structures.

    The pattern remains consistent: once a godson controls state power, the pressure to assert independence becomes almost inevitable.

    Defection, formal or informal, often becomes the instrument through which that independence is expressed.

    Similar dynamics have played out across the country.

    In Borno state, Kashim Shettima gradually distanced himself from Ali Modu Sheriff as he consolidated power, while Sheriff’s eventual defection weakened his influence.

    In Sokoto, Aminu Tambuwal’s strategic defections diluted the authority of long-standing power brokers.

    In Zamfara, tensions between Abdul’aziz Yari and Ahmed Sani Yerima exposed how unresolved godfather dominance can destabilise party control.

    From Chris Ngige’s rebellion against Chris Uba in Anambra to Godwin Obaseki’s defection from the APC to escape Adams Oshiomhole’s grip in Edo, defections have consistently served as tools of political self-preservation.

    Where godsons defect successfully, they redefine authority; where they fail, godfathers reassert dominance.

    Political analysts have long observed that defections often occur when godsons seek independence from godfathers unwilling to relinquish control.

    In Kano, this dynamic has played out repeatedly. Godfathers interpret independence as betrayal, while godsons view it as political maturity.

    This context is essential to understanding Governor Yusuf’s current move.

    Despite repeated denials, public perception has long held that Senator Kwankwaso exercises significant influence over the Kano State Government.

    While Kwankwaso has rejected this narrative, recent developments suggest growing strain in the relationship.

    Governor Yusuf’s return to the APC, therefore, represents more than a change of party platform; it signals an attempt to assert independence and redefine authority.

    History suggests that no sitting governor can indefinitely operate under the shadow of a dominant godfather without eventually pushing back.

    His remarks during his official defection to the APC were particularly noteworthy.

    Speaking in the presence of the former APC National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje; Deputy Senate President, Senator Barau Jibrin and other party leaders, he stated.

    “Our focus is on building unity, strengthening political cooperation, and ensuring that the people benefit from effective governance, irrespective of party affiliations.”

    The APC is not unfamiliar terrain for Yusuf.

    It is, in many respects, a political home he has previously occupied.

    His return places him among familiar faces and long-standing associates, including Senator Abdulrahman Kawu Sumaila, Hon. Kabir Abubakar Bichi, Hon. Kabiru Alhassan Rurum, Prince Abdullahi Abbas and Hon. Murtala Sule Garo.

    However, defection alone does not translate into effective governance. The real challenge ahead lies in uniting the APC structure in Kano.

    This will require statesmanship, restraint and inclusive leadership.

    To consolidate his position, Governor Yusuf must engage all tendencies within the party.

    This includes working with Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, former national chairman of the APC and a central figure in Kano politics, as well as Senator Barau Jibrin, the Deputy Senate President and one of the most influential political actors in the state today, whose gubernatorial ambitions are well known.

    Without deliberate efforts to harmonise interests and manage ambitions, internal fractures could undermine both governance and electoral prospects.

    History consistently shows that ruling parties often lose power not because of opposition strength, but because of internal discord.

    Governor Yusuf will also face stiff opposition from his former political base. Senator Kwankwaso is expected to deploy every available political tool to challenge him, particularly if a Peter Obi/Kwankwaso ticket eventually materialises.

    In this context, unity within the APC is not optional, it is essential.

    Kano, alongside Rivers state, is also likely to attract heightened national and international attention in future elections.

    This reality underscores the need for caution.

    Political momentum at the centre or the advantage of incumbency should not breed complacency, as broader electoral dynamics can significantly shape outcomes at the state level.

    I was privileged to participate in a critical stakeholders’ meeting of the APC family following Governor Yusuf’s official defection.

    At the meeting, he reaffirmed his firm commitment to unity and raised several key issues aimed at keeping the state on a steady and progressive path, with the interests of the people of Kano placed first.

    He emphasised the imperative of unity, the urgent need to end politics of rivalry, thuggery and other social vices and proposed the establishment of a Committee of Elders to serve as an advisory body for the state.

    In their remarks, both Dr. Ganduje and Senator Jibrin underscored the importance of strengthening party cohesion and working collectively to ensure the overall development of Kano state.

    The APC in Kano remains a formidable political force with deep grassroots support and national relevance.

    However, it is also a party shaped by years of intense internal competition and ambition.

    Unity, not dominance,
    remains the central challenge facing its leadership.

    If Governor Yusuf prioritises cohesion and inclusion, his presence in the APC could significantly strengthen the party at both state and national levels.

    A united APC in Kano would be formidable; a divided one will remain vulnerable, regardless of numerical strength.

    Ultimately, political realignments should serve the broader goals of stability and effective governance.

    Kano’s political complexity demands leadership that understands that unity is not a courtesy, but a necessity.

    If Governor Yusuf’s return to the APC is to succeed, uniting the party must not be optional, it must be his first and most important task.

    Garba, former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs in Kano State, is Chief of Staff to the former APC National Chairman.

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